Why Blaming Netanyahu For Settler Violence Misses The Real Power Struggle

Why Blaming Netanyahu For Settler Violence Misses The Real Power Struggle

The conventional wisdom on the diplomatic circuit is lazy, comfortable, and flat-out wrong.

Every time a group of former Israeli generals pens an open letter demanding that an incoming American president twist Benjamin Netanyahu’s arm over West Bank radicalism, the commentariat nods along. The narrative writes itself: a rogue fringe of extremists is running wild, the prime minister is looking the other way for political survival, and Washington needs to play the heavy.

It sounds neat. It sounds clean. It completely misunderstands how power actually functions on the ground.

I have spent years watching diplomats chase shadows in Jerusalem and Washington, mistaking symptoms for the disease. If you think the core problem in the West Bank is a failure of executive willpower in Jerusalem, you are treating a structural earthquake like a plumbing leak.

Let us dismantle the lazy consensus.

The Myth of the Omnipotent Prime Minister

The central fallacy of the retired generals' argument is the assumption that the Israeli premier commands absolute control over every inch of state apparatus, security detachment, and ideological faction.

He does not.

Modern governance in a coalition system is less about issuing decrees and more about managing a permanent state of hostage negotiation. When analysts claim that a single phone call from the Oval Office could magically clean up the hills of Judea and Samaria, they ignore the institutional friction of a fractured military, a polarized judiciary, and a deeply entrenched ideological movement that views state authority as negotiable.

To understand why outside pressure always fails, look at the incentives. For the radical periphery, international condemnation is not a deterrent; it is fuel. It validates their persecution complex and solidifies their resolve. For the security establishment, the West Bank is a logistical nightmare of overlapping jurisdictions, where military law, civil administration, and municipal councils collide.

Blaming one man for a multi-decade demographic and ideological momentum is comforting because it gives you a villain to target. It is also entirely useless.

Follow The Actual Leverage

If Washington wants to alter behavior, appealing to moral decency or rhetorical commitments is a waste of ink. Governments do not respond to lectures; they respond to structural costs.

The retired generals want American muscle applied to political optics. That is amateur hour. If you want to shift reality, you have to look at the financial and logistical pipelines that sustain the ecosystem on the ground. Much of the infrastructure financing, municipal tax exemptions, and dual-use equipment loops operate through complex webs of local authorities and cooperative movements.

Yet, targeting those pipelines invites its own blowback. Here is the uncomfortable truth about my own contrarian approach: heavy-handed external financial blockades usually backfire. They punish the moderate mainstream alongside the radicals, driving recruitment for the extremes and handing local demagogues a narrative gift.

When you squeeze an entire population economically, you do not weaken the extremists. You make everyone else too desperate to care about the rule of law.

The Wrong Questions Everyone Keeps Asking

Look at the standard inquiries floating around policy briefs and news panels. They are all rigged with flawed premises.

Is the current security apparatus unwilling or unable to enforce the law?

Both, but for reasons nobody wants to admit. It is not just about political will. It is about bandwidth and institutional exhaustion. When a military is stretched across multiple active fronts, fighting existential battles on its borders, internal policing of ideological cousins drops down the priority list. Calling it simple complicity is lazy analysis. It is a system drowning in triage.

Can an American president dictate internal Israeli security policy?

Historically, no. The harder Washington pushes on domestic security optics, the more domestic political shields go up. Sovereignty is stubborn. When foreign capitals demand public scalps, local leaders circle the wagons to protect their domestic flank. You cannot bully a democracy into subverting its own political gravity without triggering a fierce nationalist backlash.

The Unconventional Playbook

If the traditional playbook of open letters, diplomatic wrist-slaps, and targeted sanctions on low-level actors is a proven failure, what actually works?

Stop treating the West Bank as a unified military occupation and start treating it as a complex civil insurgency. That requires a shift in tactics that nobody in uniform wants to touch.

  1. Decouple Security from Ideology: Intelligence sharing and counter-radicalization must be institutionalized away from political shifts. As long as security policy pivots with every coalition shift, enforcement remains erratic.
  2. Target the Financing, Not the Rhetoric: Move past symbolic visa bans. Focus on the administrative loopholes that allow unauthorized outposts to feed off municipal budgets. Cut the plumbing quietly, without press conferences.
  3. Empower Local Pragmatism: The loudest voices on the extremes dominate because moderate majorities are terrified of being labeled traitors. Shift diplomatic engagement away from national figureheads and toward local municipal leaders who actually have to fix roads, collect garbage, and keep commerce moving.

The generals want a Hollywood ending where a foreign leader swoops in, bangs a fist on a desk, and fixes a half-century of friction with a threat.

Real life doesn't work that way.

Stop waiting for the miracle phone call. The friction is the system, and until we understand the machinery beneath the noise, we are just yelling at clouds.

YS

Yuki Scott

Yuki Scott is passionate about using journalism as a tool for positive change, focusing on stories that matter to communities and society.